Showing posts with label American Rescue Plan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label American Rescue Plan. Show all posts

Friday, May 16, 2025

With ARPA subsidies set to expire, a window on the ACA's off-exchange market

 Note: All xpostfactoid subscriptions are now through Substack alone (still free), though I will continue to cross-post on this site. If you're not subscribed, please visit xpostfactoid on Substack and sign up.


press release from New Jersey’s Department of Banking and Insurance (DOBI) urging Congress to extend the enhanced ACA marketplace subsidies created by the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) in 2021, which are funded only through this year, led me to discover that DOBI has resumed quarterly tracking of off-exchange as well as on-exchange enrollment, after a long hiatus (1-2 years?). Reports are now available through Q2 2024.

In general, nationally, off-exchange enrollment data is spotty, and the off-exchange enrollment numbers in NJ open a window into how expiration of the ARPA-enhanced subsidies, which Republicans are unlikely to extend, may affect those with income above 400% FPL, the once and likely future cap on subsidy eligibility. In the Open Enrollment Period (OEP) for 2021, the last year with the 400% FPL cap on income eligibility, 43% of state enrollees in ACA-compliant plans were unsubsidized. In 2024, just 25% were unsubsidized. We will probably soon be back to 40%-plus.

Saturday, November 23, 2024

On the pending expiration of the ACA's ARPA subsidy enhancements

Note: All xpostfactoid subscriptions are now through Substack alone (still free), though I will continue to cross-post on this site. If you're not subscribed, please visit xpostfactoid on Substack and sign up.

ARPA subsidy boosts going, going...

I’d like here to highlight some factors that will affect how much ACA marketplace enrollment is likely to shrink if Republicans decline to extend the increases to ACA marketplace premium subsidies and eligibility first enacted by the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) in March 2021, and later extended through 2025 by the Inflation Reduction Act. I’ll assume no other major changes to the ACA (perhaps a dubious assumption).

The ARPA subsidy boosts made benchmark silver plan coverage free for enrollees with income up to 150% of the Federal Poverty Level (FPL), removed the ACA’s notorious income cap on subsidy eligibility (400% FPL), reduced the percentage of income required for a benchmark silver plan at all income levels between 150-400% FPL, and capped benchmark silver premiums at 8.5% of income for those with income above 400% FPL.

Since the Open Enrollment Period (OEP) for 2021, the last OEP before the ARPA subsidies took effect, ACA marketplace enrollment increased by 79% (9.4 million) through OEP 2024 (see Table 1 below). That enrollment growth was overwhelmingly concentrated at the 100-150% FPL income bracket, where silver coverage with strong Cost Sharing Reduction (CSR) is available for $0 premium, and in the ten states that have refused to date to enact the ACA Medicaid expansion. In those “nonexpansion” states, eligibility for marketplace subsidies begins at 100% FPL, whereas in the expansion states it begins at 138% FPL, the Medicaid eligibility threshold for almost all lawfully present adults.

The Urban Institute estimates that in 2025, the total number of people with subsidized marketplace enrollment (92% of total enrollment) will be 7.2 million higher than it would be without without the ARPA subsidy boosts. One might assume a similar drop in enrollment in years following 2025 if the ARPA enhancements expire. Urban further estimates, “In 2025…household net premiums will be lower by 50 to 100 percent for the lowest income groups under a policy of enhanced PTCs compared with a policy of original PTCs. Net premiums will be lower by about one-quarter for people with higher incomes who receive subsidized Marketplace coverage.” Reverse that for the effects of ARPA expiration.

Without venturing an overall estimate, I want to highlight the concentration of marketplace enrollment (and post-ARPA enrollment growth) at low incomes and the extent to which zero-premium coverage will still be available to low-income enrollees (albeit with lower actuarial value). I assume that Urban’s estimates of premium impact are for benchmark silver premiums, not premiums for plans actually selected, which will change if the ARPA enhancements expire.

Consider the following as to the makeup of current marketplace enrollment:


  • From OEP 2021 to OEP 2024, enrollment nationwide increased by 79%, from 12.0 million to 21.4 million.

  • 59% of that growth was in the 100-150% FPL income bracket, where benchmark silver coverage was rendered free by ARPA (see Table 1 below).

  • In 2024, 73% of enrollment in the 100-150% FPL income bracket was in the 10 nonexpansion states (78% if you count North Carolina, which enacted a Medicaid expansion on 12/1/23*). In 2024, 6.9 million enrollees in nonexpansion states (excluding NC) had income in the 100-150% FPL range.

  • In OEP 2021, enrollment was flat nationwide except for in the nonexpansion states, where it increased 10%. Since OEP 2020, enrollment growth in nonexpansion states has accounted for 74% of enrollment growth nationwide.

  • Before ARPA passed, the ACA’s income cap on subsidy eligibility was politically fraught, as the ACA’s guaranteed issue and Essential Health Benefits requirements raised premiums, and, after steep premium hikes in 2017 and 2018 ,several million subsidy-ineligible people were priced out of the market. Removing the income cap on subsidies went a long way toward fulfilling the ACA’s promise of “affordable care.” For all that, in 2024, enrollment of those who reported income higher than 400% FPL (i.e., expected premium subsidies) was 1.5 million, about 7% of total on-exchange enrollment. Another 856,000 enrollees did not report income and so paid full price (Table 1).

Keeping in mind the heavy concentration of ACA enrollment at low incomes, various factors will preserve some availability of zero-premium coverage for most enrollees with income up to 150% FPL, and often well beyond, or foster enrollment in other ways. These include:

Silver loading, Part I. In October 2017, Trump cut off federal reimbursement of insurers for providing the Cost Sharing Reduction (CSR) subsidies mandated by the ACA to low-income enrollees in silver plan. (His basis: while the ACA mandated this reimbursement, it left funding those reimbursements up to Congress, and Republican Congresses declined to do so. The Obama administration had found reimbursement funds in couch cushions.) CSR increases the value of a silver plan to a roughly platinum level for enrollees with income up to 200% FPL. The move had been anticipated, and most state regulators responded by allowing or encouraging insurers to price CSR directly into silver plans, since CSR is available only with silver plans. Since ACA income-adjusted premium subsidies are set to a silver benchmark, this “silver loading” led to sharp reductions in net-of-subsidy premiums for bronze and gold plans (and less often, for the one silver plan priced below the benchmark in each market). As a result, the Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF) calculated that beginning in 2018, most enrollees with income up to 150% FPL, and a good number with higher incomes, had access to $0 premium bronze plans.

Silver loading, Part II. As direct CSR reimbursement had been contested from the start, prior to Trump’s cutoff, analysts at CMS, the Urban Institute, and CBO had anticipated the effects of pricing CSR into silver premiums. All three analyses anticipated that gold plans would be priced below silver plans, because most silver plan enrollees have incomes qualifying for strong CSR, and silver plan enrollees on average therefore obtain higher actuarial value than gold plan enrollees. It mostly didn’t shake out that way, as insurers have strong incentives to underprice silver plans. In about fifteen states, however, varying by year, gold plans are available at premiums below benchmark silver, sometimes by regulatory or statutory requirement, and sometimes by insurer choice (usually of a dominant insurer). Most notably — and astonishingly — Texas enacted a law requiring marketplace insurers to price gold plans far below silver. (That makes sense, since 75% of enrollees in Texas have income below 200% FPL, and the average actuarial value of a silver plan in the state is over 90%, compared to 80% for gold plans.) Accordingly, Texas’s 2.2 million enrollees with income under 150% FPL will have access to $0 premium gold plans if the ARPA subsidy boosts expire, barring other changes.

Zero-deductible bronze plans. While median bronze plan deductibles were $7,200 for a single enrollee in 2023, bronze plans with $0 medical deductibles have become an increasingly common marketplace option. At low incomes, the premium is often $0 as well. These plans have their coverage traps, like a $3,000 drug deductible (usually not applicable to generics) or a $1,500 first-day hospital inpatient copay, but they can be attractive to healthy enrollees, or those willing to trade risk and out-of-pocket cost for a more expansive provider network and doctor visits not subject to the deductible.

Agent/broker commitment. The first Trump administration cut ACA marketplace advertising and nonprofit enrollment assistance, but they did cater to and encourage participation from agents and brokers — implementing a “help on demand” feature on HealthCare.gov, and encouraging development of commercial “enhanced direct enrollment” (EDE) platforms that streamline brokers’ work and organize their client files. Thanks in part to that support, along with the ARPA subsidy boosts and insurers’ re-commitment to the marketplace, broker registration with HealthCare.gov increased from 49,000 in 2018 to 83,000 in 2024. In OEP 2024, 78% of active enrollments in HealthCare.gov states (which includes all the nonexpansion states) were broker-assisted. This growing broker engagement has been something of a mixed bag, as the widespread availability of free coverage, coupled with inadequately controlled broker access to client data in EDE platforms, has led to a major outbreak of broker fraud and encouraged entry into the market of high-volume, high-speed call centers that likely provide poor service short of outright fraud. Broker participation will probably also be pared back as offerings become less affordable (assuming ARPA subsidy expiration) — e.g., if insurers also pull back and/or reduce broker commissions. But pre-ARPA, one of the marketplace’s chief limitations was the general public’s ignorance of what was on offer. Several years of broker outreach have probably increased awareness and the likelihood of being approached among those who may need coverage.

Year-round enrollment at low incomes. In early 2022, CMS implemented a rule enabling people with income under 150% FPL to enroll year-round, via permanent availability of a monthly “Special Enrollment Period.” The model here was Medicaid; the presumption is that circumstances change often for low-income people. As a result, the gap between marketplace enrollment totals as of the end of OEP and annual “average monthly enrollment” (AME) has narrowed considerably, and AME has grown even more dramatically than end-of-OEP totals (AME was 99% of OEP enrollment in 2023 and may have actually exceeded it in 2024, when the Medicaid unwinding sent a stream of newly uninsured people into the marketplace). This too has been something of a mixed bag, as the monthly SEP has facilitated broker fraud in the form of unauthorized plan-switching of enrollees. Year-round first-time enrollment could be maintained without providing a monthly SEP. More likely, the Trump administration will rescind the rule. (Originally, the rule was contingent on $0 premium silver coverage remaining available at incomes up to 150% FPL, but that condition was later withdrawn.)

A preview of low-income options in a post-ARPA marketplace

Pre-ARPA, enrollees with income up to 138% FPL paid 2% of income for a benchmark silver plan. We can preview what options may look like in this lowest income bracket by looking at what’s available to someone paying 2% of income for benchmark silver in the 2025 marketplace — that is, a single enrollee with an income of $30,000. That’s a shade under 200% FPL, and at that income, benchmark silver is currently $49/month.

Let’s look at what’s available for a single 40 year-old at this income in Houston and Miami. (You can replicate these results or look at other markets most easily via HealthSherpa’s plan shopper.) In Florida and Texas combined, as of the end of OEP 2024, 4.1 million enrollees had income in the 100-138% FPL range — about 60% of the 6.9 million enrollees in that income range nationwide.

In Houston in 2025 (zip code 77005), a single 40 year-old earning $30,000 would pay (as noted above) $49/month (1.94% of income) for the benchmark silver plan, which has a $500 deductible and a $3,000 out-of-pocket (OOP) maximum. That’s what enrollees with income up to 138% FPL will pay for benchmark silver if the ARPA subsidy boosts expire and there are no further changes. That premium could be prohibitive at a lower income (100% FPL in this year’s marketplace is slightly over $15,000/year). But in 2025, this same Houstonian also has access to two gold plans for $0 premium, as well as to a bronze plan with a $0 deductible for $15/month (and to the one silver plan below benchmark for $38/month). Both of the $0 premium gold plans are from Blue Cross, a desired brand in Texas, whereas the lowest-cost silver BCBS plan available to this person is $61/month.

Switch the scene to Miami (zip code 33134), and the 40-year old with the $30k income, paying 1.94% of income for the benchmark silver plan, does not have cheap gold available, nor any premium difference between the benchmark and lowest-cost silver (both $49/month). But this Miamian does have access to two $0 deductible bronze plans for $5 or $6/month — not to mention a ridiculous eleven zero-premium bronze plans with high deductibles.

The zero-deductible bronze plans both have OOP maxes of $9,200, whereas the two cheapest silver plans for enrollees with income under 150% FPL in Miami this year have OOP maxes of $1,800 and $2,000 respectively. Forgoing CSR vastly expands financial risk. Nonetheless, in two of the largest ACA markets for people with income that would put them in Medicaid in expansion states, no-premium or ultra low-premium options would be available if they had to pay 2% of income.

Zero premium, but more risk

Expiration of the ARPA subsidy enhancements will exacerbate a negative long-term trend in marketplace coverage: reduced silver plan selection by enrollees with income low enough to qualify for strong CSR, which raises the actuarial value of a silver plan to 94% (at income up to 150% FPL) or 87% (at income from 150-200% FPL). That compares to 60-65% AV for enhanced bronze (the commonest bronze type now) or 80% for gold. Perhaps most damagingly, those who forgo strong CSR give up an OOP max that’s capped at $3,000, and averaged just $1,388 in 2024 at incomes up to 150% FPL), in favor of bronze and gold OOP maxes that usually top $7,000 and are often set at the maximum allowable $9,200.

At incomes up to 150% FPL, silver plan selection has dropped from 89% in 2017 to 76% in 2024 (see Table 2 below). At 150-200% FPL, silver selection has plummeted from 83% in 2017 to 57% in 2024. Competition among marketplace insurers to offer lowest-cost coverage has narrowed provider networks over time, and some enrollees may be forgoing CSR to access a lower level of coverage from an insurer with a more robust network. I look at such tradeoffs in specific markets here.

ARPA subsidy expiration will be a major blow to coverage availability for those who lack access to other affordable options. It will probably be combined with other blows: it may be coupled with a major Trump 2.0 effort to stand up and promote an alternative market of medically underwritten, lightly regulated plans, and/or, most damagingly, with major assaults on Medicaid eligibility and funding. “This won’t be the worst harm you suffer” is pretty cold comfort when staring down the barrel of an ignorant, cruel, corrupt government in formation. But the ACA marketplace proved resilient during the Trump 1.0 regime, and it may prove resilient once again.

Table 1: ACA Marketplace Enrollment Growth by Income, 2021-2024



Table 2: Silver Plan Selection at Incomes up to 200% FPL

CMS’s marketplace enrollment Public Use Files are available here.

Photo by cottonbro studio

Thanks for reading xpostfactoid! Subscribe for free:






Wednesday, August 31, 2022

Democrats have twelve years of healthcare accomplishment to run on

Subscribe (free) to xpostfactoid

Chuck Schumer tours Adirondack Medical Center

HuffPost reports that Priorities USA is urging Democrats to tout recent healthcare achievements:

In a memo set to be published Wednesday, Priorities USA says the most popular achievements of President Joe Biden’s tenure are giving Medicare the power to negotiate prescription drug pricescapping the price of insulin and continuing expanded subsidies for the Affordable Care Act.

Priorities USA recommends focusing on these issues while also attacking Republicans for working to restrict abortion rights in the wake of the Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade.

Amen. And below those top lines -- the healthcare provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act passed this month -- Democrats should also tout a long tail of recent accomplishments that have improved healthcare affordability and access. Their claim to be the party of healthcare bears not only recent but cumulative weight.

Healthcare was a potent issue for Democrats in 2018, with Republicans fresh off their failed attempt to repeal the ACA's core programs in 2017.  Because they failed, the ACA Medicaid expansion and subsidized marketplace survived to catch the newly uninsured when more than 20 million Americans lost their jobs in the first onslaught of the COVID-19 pandemic. 

Saturday, June 25, 2022

Triage: A dedicated source of funding to extend the ARPA subsidy boosts (if all else fails)

Subscribe to xpostfactoid 

The increases to premium subsidies in the ACA marketplace provided through 2022 by the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) have been a policy success, helping to boost marketplace enrollment by 21% this year.  During Democrats' long, weary negotiations over the Build Back Better bill in the fall, extension of those subsidies (first permanently, then, foolishly, for just 3 years) was taken as a given.  Even when BBB negotiation collapsed, failure to extend the subsidies seemed unthinkable...until it didn't.  

By May, it began to seem that Joe Manchin might not allow any Democratic priorities to pass via a reconciliation (bypassing the filibuster, and requiring all Senate Democrats to be on board). More recently, there's been a pulse -- apparently serious negotiations for a stripped-down bill possibly including climate investments, repeal of Republican tax cuts, empowering Medicare to negotiate prescription drug costs, and, maybe maybe, extension of the ARPA subsidy boosts for marketplace coverage.

Most recently, Manchin has made vaguely sympathetic but equivocal noises about extending the subsidy boosts, which are not a priority for him (the ACA Medicaid expansion insures about ten times as many West Virginians as the ACA private plan marketplace). And as Politico's Adam Cancryn outlines, his maunderings have left Democrats trying to squeeze them in with a dilemma.

Manchin hath decreed that a) any programs included in the reconciliation package be permanent, rather than sunsetting after a fixed number of years, and b) half the money raised through tax increases go to deficit reduction, leaving about $500 billion over ten years for all spending priorities. CBO estimated the 10-year cost of permanent extension of the ARPA subsidies at $210 billion. Prescription drug pricing reforms are projected to raise somewhere over $100 billion, depending on how they're structured. The three-year cost of ARPA subsidy extension, per CBO, is $74 billion. But, per Manchin rules...no temporary programs!

Given this Catch-22, it may be worth thinking about ever-present but studiously ignored (rightly, on the extra-Manchin merits) policy option: Fund the ARPA-level subsidies by funding the marketplace's Cost Sharing Reduction (CSR) subsidies in the original, statutory way, directly reimbursing insurers for their CSR costs.  CSR reduces out-of-pocket costs for low income enrollees (a slight majority of enrollees) who select silver plans.

Friday, June 17, 2022

Why Manchin may let the ACA subsidy boosts die



Alarm bells are gonging for the possibility that even if Joe Manchin deigns to dictate to Democrats the terms of a reconciliation bill he'll vote for that includes some fragment of Democrats' spending priorities, it may not include extension of the boosts to ACA marketplace subsidies provided through 2022 in the American Rescue Plan Act. 

Charles Gaba relays reports from one paywalled site (Inside Health Policy) via another:

When a Punchbowl News reporter asked Thursday... whether a reconciliation deal is expected soon, Pelosi’s response was, “It’s alive.”

“There are certain concerns we have about subsidies in the health care bill and the rest, which may or may not be in the negotiations,” she said.

...President Joe Biden included drug pricing reform in an inflation-fighting proposal released over the weekend -- but his plan did not mention the enhanced ACA credits, raising some eyebrows.

..Democrats had counted on drug price controls to pay for the enhanced ACA subsidies, but Manchin recently said the subsidies did not come up in his talks with the White House.

Friday, May 20, 2022

ACA on the rocks

Subscribe to xpostfactoid 

Today Politico sounded an alarm that's been rising in Democratic policy circles: Democrats are walking right into an Obamacare fiasco of their own making. That is, if their lawmaking capacity is so paralyzed that they fail to extend the major boosts to ACA marketplace subsidies provided by the American Rescue Plan Act through 2022.

Politico's Adam Cancryn and Megan Messerly warn concisely:

The scenario has alarmed vulnerable lawmakers and White House allies, who have privately warned senior Democrats in recent weeks that the issue could cost Democrats control of the Senate and decimate their hard-earned reputation as the party of health care.

Politico does report some talks between Manchin and Democratic leadership. At this point, whether ARPA subsidies get extended appears to boil down to whether Manchin and/or Sinema simply want to destroy Democrats' electoral prospects -- now, and given the Republican drive to suppress votes and doctor vote counts, maybe forever. At the Washington Post's Plum Line, Greg Sargent is doubtful that Manchin will let any meaningful legislation pass.

As the clock ticks, I feel compelled to add my popgun to the salvo of increasingly desperate progressive healthcare groups and individuals begging Democrats to find a way to break the Manchin-Sinema blockade and extend the marketplace subsidy boosts provided by the American Rescue Plan. 

Friday, March 25, 2022

HealthCare.gov should tell 600,000 low-income bronze plan enrollees: switch to silver

Subscribe to xpostfactoid 

The message above, provided to shoppers on HealthCare.gov who estimate low incomes, isn't enough to keep a significant number of low-income enrollees out of bronze plans.

My last post focused on the stubborn persistence of significant bronze plan selection among low-income enrollees in the ACA marketplace in 2022, despite the fact that premium subsidy increases provided by the American Rescue Plan Act made the benchmark silver plan with strong Cost Sharing Reduction free to enrollees with incomes up to 150% FPL, and much cheaper than in previous years for those with incomes in the 150-200% FPL range.

Among enrollees with income between 100% and 150% FPL, 14% -- more than 600,000 -- selected bronze plans for 2022. While bronze plan selection at incomes in the 100-150% range did tick down a bit from the prior year, it remained higher than in any year prior to 2021.

President Biden's January 28, 2021 Executive Order 14009, “Strengthening Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act," declares, "it is the policy of my Administration to protect and strengthen Medicaid and the ACA and to make high-quality healthcare accessible and affordable for every American." Bronze plans obtained by people with income below 150% FPL do not advance that policy.

Bronze plan single-person deductibles average over $7,000, compared to under $150 for silver plans as enhanced by the CSR provided to enrollees with incomes up to 150% FPL. Annual out-of-pocket maximums in bronze plans generally exceed $8,000,* compared to an average of $1,208 in silver plans. 

600,000 bronze plan enrollees below the 150% FPL threshold is almost 600,000 too many.

CMS has given itself a tool to reduce this underinsured population. Last July it finalized, and this month it implemented, a rule creating "monthly special enrollment period" for enrollees with incomes up to 150% FPL -- effectively establishing continuous year-round enrollment for the lowest-income marketplace applicants. The rule not only allows the uninsured to enroll outside the annual Open Enrollment Period; it also allows current enrollees with income up to 150% FPL to switch to a silver plan. 

Saturday, March 05, 2022

Did ARPA increase CSR takeup and so reduce underinsurance? A view from Covered California

Ever since the American Rescue Plan Act's boosts to premium subsidies in the ACA marketplace came online last March (and even before), a chief interest of mine has been whether the enhanced subsidies will reduce underinsurance as well as boosting enrollment (and so reducing uninsurance). 

The chief source of reductions in underinsurance would be improved takeup of silver plans with Cost Sharing Reduction (CSR) at incomes up to 200% FPL* ($25,760 for a solo enrollee). CSR is available only with silver plans. As boosted by ARPA,  a benchmark (second cheapest) silver plan is now free at incomes up to 150% FPL and costs 0-2% of income at 150-200% FPL. At 200% FPL, benchmark silver used to cost about $135 per month for a single person; it now tops out at $43/month. More than half of ACA marketplace enrollees have income below 200% FPL.

As noted in this post, silver plan selection among low-income enrollees had been sliding since 2017, but  ARPA did apparently reverse the trend during the emergency Special Enrollment Period that ran from Feb. 15 to Aug. 15 last year in HealthCare.gov states, and for varying periods in the 18 state-based exchanges.  Below, we'll get a point of comparison from California.

Sunday, February 20, 2022

Why HealthCare.gov is offering year-round enrollment at low incomes


CMS has soft-launched a new "monthly special enrollment period" (SEP) for health insurance seekers with incomes below 150% of the Federal Poverty Level in states that use the federal exchange, HealthCare.gov. This new rule, finalized last fall, effectively creates continuous enrollment for the lowest-income enrollees. At present, the SEP can be accessed by calling the HealthCare.gov help center (1-800-318-2596); it will be available online on HealthCare.gov by late March. State-based exchanges can implement this continuous enrollment at their option. 

Louise Norris covers every nuance of the rule's operation here. I will focus on CMS's stated motives and goals, and the likely impact.

The rule stipulates that the monthly SEP will only be operative as long as benchmark silver coverage remains free to enrollees with income up to the 150% FPL threshold. Boosts to ACA marketplace subsidies provided by the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) created that free coverage through 2022. While Democrats clearly intended and have been expected to extend the ARPA subsidies beyond this year, that is no longer certain now that the Build Back Better legislation has stalled.

Continuous enrollment in coverage available free at low incomes is of a piece with Medicaid enrollment practices, as well as with enrollment in the Basic Health Programs established under the ACA by Minnesota and New York. BHPs offer free or low-premium coverage with low-out-of-pocket costs -- rather like Medicaid -- to residents with incomes up to 200% FPL. 

In its September 27, 2021 update to ACA rules, CMS spelled out the rationale for the new monthly low-income SEP. The broad context, cited in the executive summary, is President Biden's January 28, 2021 Executive Order 14009, “Strengthening Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act," which declares:

millions of people who are potentially eligible for coverage under the ACA or other laws remain uninsured, and obtaining insurance benefits is more difficult than necessary. For these reasons, it is the policy of my Administration to protect and strengthen Medicaid and the ACA and to make high-quality healthcare accessible and affordable for every American. 

Wednesday, December 01, 2021

ARPA subsidy boosts in ACA marketplace reduced underinsurance, reversing a 'slide to bronze' at low incomes

Subscribe to xpostfactoid 

When the premium subsidy enhancements for the ACA marketplace that became law when the American Rescue Plan passed were first published in early February of this year, my first thought was that no one with an income below 200% FPL should ever buy a bronze plan again:

If the subsidy enhancements become law while the emergency SEP [Special Enrollment Period, running from Feb. 15 to Aug. 15 on HealthCare.gov] is still open, bronze plan enrollment at incomes under 200% FPL should go to zero. At incomes up to 150% FPL ($19,140 for a single person), silver coverage will be free. At 200% FPL ($25,520 for a single person), benchmark silver will cost $43 per month. That expense doesn't feel like nothing at that income, but the average deductible for silver at that income level ($800) is about one ninth of the average bronze deductible ($6,921). The out-of-pocket maximum for bronze plans is usually close to the highest allowable, $8,550 for a single adult.  For silver at incomes up to 200% FPL, it's $2,850, and usually well below that, averaging $1,189 at incomes up to 150% FPL and $2,528 at 150-200% FPL. 

Well, those subsidy boosts did go into effect during the emergency SEP, helping to drive a major surge in off-season enrollment. Nationally, 2.8 million people newly enrolled in ACA marketplace plans from Feb. 15 to Aug. 15, 2.1 million of them in the 36 states using the federal exchange, HealthCare.gov. And while selection of plans at metal levels other than silver at low incomes did not go zero during the SEP, it did go way down, reversing a troubling trend.  The ARPA subsidies are reducing underinsurance.

Tuesday, November 30, 2021

Is the ACA marketplace catching a surge in entrepreneurship?


The Wall Street Journal's Josh Mitchell and Kathryn Dill report that the pandemic has triggered a surge in self-employment and small business formation:

The number of unincorporated self-employed workers has risen by 500,000 since the start of the pandemic, Labor Department data show, to 9.44 million....Entrepreneurs applied for federal tax-identification numbers to register 4.54 million new businesses from January through October this year, up 56% from the same period of 2019, Census Bureau data show.

That surge underscores the value and good timing of the boosts to premium subsidies for plans sold in the ACA Health Insurance Marketplace provided by the American Rescue Plan Act, enacted in March 2021. Those subsidy increases brought the ACA much closer to fulfilling its promise of providing affordable insurance to those who lose or leave their jobs and so lose access to employer-sponsored plans, which insure the majority of working age Americans.

Sunday, October 31, 2021

Open enrollment 2022! Marketplace loaded for bear, but bear traps remain

Subscribe to xpostfactoid

Open enrollment in the ACA marketplace begins tomorrow. This will be the first OE season - -and hopefully, not the last - -in which the enhanced subsidies created by the American Rescue Plan (ARPA) are in place. It's a season of hope -- and also worry. Some thoughts below.

1. All systems go? The marketplace, which never reached half the enrollment projected by CBO in 2010, is in some senses loaded for bear this fall. Thanks to ARPA, silver plans with strong Cost Sharing Reduction (CSR) are now free for people with incomes up to 150% FPL ($19,320 for an individual); cost no more than 2% of income at incomes up to 200% FPL; and cost no more than 8.5% of income (without CSR) for any enrollee who lacks access to other affordable insurance. 

Navigator organizations, which operated on a shoestring (if at all) during the Trump years, their federal funding cut from $63 million in 2016 to $10 million in 2018 and years following, have been granted $80 million for 2022. Florida's chief navigator organization, Florida Covering Kids and Families, started with 120 navigators in 2013 but was down to 50 in OE for 2020, with just 25 in the off-season. This OE, they've got 200 navigators in place. (Federal navigator funding, derived from user fees charged to insurers selling in the marketplace, only applies to the 33 states still using HealthCare.gov, the federal exchange. State exchanges fund their own outreach through user fees they retain.)

Thursday, October 21, 2021

If Democrats fail to enhance the ACA or remove the coverage gap, what can the Biden administration do?

Subscribe to xpostfactoid


As the extent to which Senators Manchin, Sinema, and other corporate Democrats will eviscerate the original outline of the Build Back Better bill sinks in, it's time to consider the once-unthinkable: what if Democrats fail to extend the enhanced ACA marketplace subsidies enacted in the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) in March?  And what if -- which was always uncertain -- they fail to plug the coverage gap in states that have refused to expand Medicaid?

Monday, August 02, 2021

ACA enrollment under ARPA: The view from near 100% FPL (and San Antonio)

Subscribe to xpostfactoid


The ACA's tragic coverage gap confronts poor people in the 12 states that have refused to date to enact the ACA Medicaid expansion with a cruel logical absurdity: they may earn too little to qualify for government-supported health coverage.  Adults in households with incomes below the Federal Poverty Level (100% FPL) do not qualify for subsidized coverage in the ACA marketplace.

A few weeks ago, I noted that on May 5 CMS put a modest patch on the coverage gap by rescinding a Trump era policy of demanding income verification from marketplace applicants in nonexpansion states if "trusted data sources" indicated that the applicant's income was likely below 100% FPL -- i.e., ineligible for subsidies -- and the applicant had estimated an income above that threshold. (Since HHS's computer systems can't be retooled instantly, CMS explained, the exchanges will continue to request documentation in these circumstances for some time -- but in followup communication, they will "notify those consumers that they need not provide the requested information.")

In effect, a low-income applicant can make a good faith estimate of a household income in the coming year above 100% FPL and qualify for subsidized coverage (now free through 2022, if income is below 150% FPL, thanks to the subsidy boosts in the American Rescue Plan enacted on March 11). Documentation will not be required (though awkwardly, it will be requested for some time).  If income for the year in question ultimately proves to fall below the 100% FPL threshold, there is no clawback of subsidies granted, unless the applicant's income estimate is made with "intentional or reckless disregard for the facts."* 

The opportunity for low-income applicants to estimate their way into free coverage is the sort of regulatory forbearance that inspires high moral dudgeon from conservative adversaries of the ACA. In fact, though, poor or near-poor people in nonexpansion states who get as far as applying for health coverage - many don't, as ignorance of ACA programs is pervasive -- are likelier to underestimate their income than overestimate it. 

Friday, July 23, 2021

A Wisconsin window on the ACA coverage gap in pandemic time

Subscribe to xpostfactoid

To pick up a thread from deep in the prior post...

In Wisconsin, ACA marketplace enrollment as of June 30, 2021 had increased by less than two percentage since June 2019. In the other thirteen states that had not enacted the ACA Medicaid expansion as of June 30 of this year, enrollment increased by 41% over the same period.

What's the matter (or rather, what's right) with Wisconsin?

    Enrollment in nonexpansion states, 2019-2021

     Sources: CMS, Early Effectuated Enrollment Snapshot, 20202021SEP enrollment 7/14/21; KFF
     See the prior post for an explanation of how June 2021 enrollment is estimated.

A lot of factors affect marketplace enrollment, which varies widely by state. But the most salient factor would appear to be the fact that Wisconsin has no "coverage gap." 

Thursday, July 22, 2021

Obamacare enrollment in nonexpansion states is up 26% year-over-year and 41% since June 2019 (estimate)

Subscribe to xpostfactoid

Not to indulge in monomania, I want to offer a clearer snapshot than previously of really major marketplace enrollment gains in the pandemic period in states that had not enacted the ACA Medicaid expansion as of June 30 of this year.  As the uninsured rate in the nonexpansion states was nearly double the rate in expansion states as of 2019 (15.5% vs. 8.3%),  particularly rapid enrollment growth in those states -- most of it at low incomes -- is having a significant impact where help is most needed.

Every June, CMS publishes "effectuated" (i.e., paid-up) enrollment in each state as of February of that year. Those reports also break out monthly enrollment by state in the year prior. This year, that information is supplemented by monthly reports on off-season enrollment, stimulated this year by an emergency Special Enrollment Period (SEP), running from February 15 through August 15 in the 36 states using HealthCare.gov, which is the functional equivalent of a second Open Enrollment Period (the 15 states that run their own exchanges have also opened emergency SEPs.) The SEP reports provide enough data, or so I assume below, to estimate effectuated enrollment through June 30 of this year.

By my estimate, enrollment in 13 nonexpansion states as of June 30 -- excluding Wisconsin, for reasons discussed below -- is up 26% year-over-year, and 41% since in June 2019. That's a two-year increase of 1.74 million.  Enrollment is up by more than 50% since June 2019 in Texas, Georgia and Mississippi. It's up by almost 500,000 in Texas and by more than 650,000 in Florida.

Saturday, June 26, 2021

Elsewhere: the ACA survives and thrives

 For BlueWaveNJ, I've overviewed the legal threats to the ACA -- just overcome and still pending; the subsidy boosts enacted in the American Rescue Plan and their effects so far; and likely and unlikely next steps.  I covered similar ground at healthinsurance.org, with more attention to the remaining subsidy-eligible uninsured and measures to smooth and encourage enrollment.

Subscribe to xpostfactoid

Tuesday, June 15, 2021

Three quarters of recent SEP enrollment on HealthCare.gov is in nonexpansion states

Subscribe to xpostfactoid

HHS announced yesterday that new enrollments in the emergency Special Enrollment Period that began on February 15 totaled 1.24 million through May 31 in the 36 states using HealthCare.gov. That's more than triple enrollments during the same time period in 2019, the last "normal" year in which enrollment was unaffected by the pandemic. Further, HHS pointed out that since the enhanced subsidies enacted in the American Rescue Plan appeared on HealthCare.gov on April 1, 43% of new enrollees selected plans for which they will pay $10 per month or less.

Charles Gaba pointed out yesterday that the single biggest determining factor of how much a state's SEP enrollment has increased over pre-COVID time is whether the state has enacted the ACA Medicaid expansion.  Say that again.

Of the 1.2 million new enrollees, three quarters were in 13 states that had not enacted the ACA Medicaid expansion as of May 31 -- excluding Wisconsin, which offers Medicaid to state residents with incomes up to 100% of the Federal Poverty Level.*

Thursday, June 10, 2021

Obamacare mid-year enrollment is likely up 19% over past peak

Subscribe to xpostfactoid

see 6/18/21 update at bottom

Charles Gaba estimates current enrollment in the ACA marketplace at 12.4 million. That's based on effectuated enrollment as of February of 11.3 million, plus about 1.6 million new enrollments during the emergency Special Enrollment Period (SEP) commenced on Feb. 15, minus an estimate of monthly attrition based on last year's monthly totals. Attrition may be a bit higher, but this is a good estimate.

A lot of people who pay attention to marketplace enrollment patterns have imprinted a number: 12.7 million. That was the (rounded) national total of signups for coverage as of the end of Open Enrollment  season (OE) in 2016 -- long understood to be the peak year for marketplace enrollment. Plan selections declined in subsequent years, probably due in part both to soaring premiums in 2017 and 2018 and Trump administration sabotage (which contributed to 2018 premium hikes though not to the correction of 2017).

Plan selections as of the end of OE is a very different metric, however, from effectuated enrollment, which measures people who are paid up on their premiums. Attrition was high in 2016: effectuated enrollment peaked at 10.8 million in March, and average monthly enrollment for the year was 10.0 million. Attrition fell in the Trump years, for reasons we'll touch on below, and fell further last year, as the pandemic triggered high SEP enrollment

This year, the emergency SEP, coupled with massive boosts to premium subsidies enacted in the American Rescue Plan, has triggered SEP enrollment that's 3.5 times higher than in 2019, the last pre-pandemic year. The SEP enrollments logged to date have almost certainly outpaced normal attrition as experienced in the pre-pandemic years.  The ARP subsidy boosts have likely reduced disenrollments as well as stimulating new enrollment.

Bottom line: marketplace enrollment growth is larger than meets the eye, at least for those who measure "12.4 million" against the 2016 end-of-OE peak. June enrollment as estimated by Gaba is 20% higher than June enrollment in 2016, and 19% higher than in June 2020, when SEPs triggered by the pandemic pushed mid-year enrollment to a new high. 

Thursday, May 27, 2021

Obamacare enrollment at vaccination sites, part 1

Subscribe to xpostfactoid

                                             Getting jabbed? Get covered too!

11 million uninsured Americans are eligible for ACA marketplace subsidies, according to KFF estimates. With the premium subsidy increases enacted in the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) in March, coverage can credibly be called "affordable" for most of them.  Another 7.3 million uninsured people are eligible for Medicaid, per KFF.

Ignorance of these offerings is rife. Less than a third of the public knows the ACA is still law, again according to KFF. Enrollment outreach, sabotaged by the Trump administration, has always been a challenge (as has the difficulty of navigating the application for some but not all enrollees).

While considering incremental ways to improve the ACA in my last post, it dawned on me that enrollment outreach at vaccination sites, or via email and texts connected with vaccination, was a golden opportunity to reach the uninsured.  Like most lightbulb thoughts, this one was far from unique.  It's occurred to many professional enrollment assisters -- probably hundreds. Some have acted on the thought.