The ACA: Good policy, tough politics

Three charts may explain in part why the ACA is working as designed, improving life in America, and hurting Democrats politically.

First, Gallup's latest on the uninsured rate:



Next, an assessment of the redistributive effects of the ACA by Henry Aaron and Gary Burtless (via Bill Gardner) :

No, Virginia, ACA administrators do not need to "retain" the prior 8 million signups in 2015

Tis the season for preview articles spotlighting the challenges of signing up more uninsured and retaining the newly insured in Year 2 of the Affordable Care Act. The New York Times' Reed Abelson, in an otherwise excellent overview, repeats a common fallacy:

the Obama administration is expected to try to persuade about five million more people to sign up while also trying to ensure that eight million people who now have coverage renew for another year.

No one can or will try to ensure eight million renewals, because a very large proportion of 2014's enrollees -- perhaps half or more -- will not need to renew their coverage. They will be covered by new employers, or new spouses, or newly employed old spouses, or they will lose income and become eligible for Medicaid, or they will go on disability, or die, or, or, or...

If you like your ACA plan, you very likely won't be renewing anyway

Sam Baker and  Jonathan Cohn have both spotlighted a Milliman briefing paper warning of an important potential glitch looming as the ACA's second Open Season approaches. It's this: while the government is encouraging current customers to renew their current plans via auto-enrollment, many customers may see significant price spikes if the plan they selected last year loses its status as a "benchmark" plan.

Subsidies are keyed to the second cheapest silver plan in each market, deemed the benchmark; subsidized customers who buy a plan more expensive than the benchmark have to pay the whole difference. Thus, if the ACA affordability formula decrees that you should pay $30 per month for a benchmark plan with a base premium of $300, and that plan's premium spikes to $350 and it cedes its benchmark status, you'll now be on the hook for $80 per month rather than $30 if you stick with it. To stay at roughly the $30 level, you'll have to switch to one of the two cheapest silver plans on offer this year. (Additionally, if the benchmark plan price goes up, customers' advanced premiums may also go up if they re-apply rather than auto-enroll.)

I wouldn't dream of downplaying this very important potential glitch. But I think it's worth noting an often-unnoticed market factor that will mitigate its impact somewhat: there's tremendous churn in the individual market, and it's likely that half or more of those who enrolled in private plans in 2014 will be looking to renew. Many will have found jobs that offer insurance; some will become eligible for Medicaid; some will marry or move and need to select a new plan in any case. In November 2013, healthcare scholars Rick Curtis and John Graves estimated (with some caveats) that just 42 percent of Americans eligible for subsidized exchange coverage at end of 2014 (i.e., the upcoming open enrollment season) were eligible in the prior year. That doesn't quite tell us what percentage of those currently enrolled in subsidized exchange plans will not be seeking coverage for 2015, but it gives an idea of the degree of turnover.

Yes, Peter Suderman, the ACA covers the short-term as well as long-term uninisured.

Many people poring over the data still emerging from the ACA's first open enrollment season seem not to grasp  the volatility of Americans' insurance status.  Take Peter Suderman:

Kaiser’s survey finds that the majority of previously uninsured lacked coverage for two years, and that 45 percent reported not having coverage for five years. Which means that more than half of the previously uninsured were covered at some relatively recent point.

Now, many of those people clearly were having difficulty getting coverage for some reason—perhaps as a ripple effect of the recession, perhaps because of some other factor. But many of them appear not to be completely uninsurable. These are not people who couldn’t get insurance under any circumstance. They’re people who didn’t have it for the last several years.

Obamacare’s supporters would no doubt say that the law was designed to help those people just as much as it was designed to help those who never had coverage at all. That’s an entirely reasonable position. But when we talk about Obamacare’s coverage effects, it’s important to be clear about who is being covered: a sizable number of people who were already insured, as well as people who were both eligible for coverage and covered at one point, but had lost their coverage.

It's true that the ACA is designed to help the long-term uninsured. It's also designed to help the millions who fall out of and back into insured status every year. Last fall, healthcare scholars Rick Curtis and John Graves brought those millions into focus: