Can blue states protect their health insurance markets from Trump's executive order?

Can a state that wants to preserve ACA consumer protections protect itself from the executive order Trump signed today, which opens paths to segmenting the risk pools in the individual and small group markets? Consider the case of New Jersey, which had guaranteed issue (and, with no individual mandate, sky-high premiums) pre-ACA.

The Trump EO instructs Treasury, DOL and HHS to expand availability of short-term insurance, allowing it "to cover longer periods and be renewed by the consumer."  That's understood to mean allowing coverage for up to a year -- and so, via renewal, indefinitely, though subject to medical underwriting at renewal as well as at first purchase.  Short-term plans are not subject to ACA coverage rules.

At present, plan duration is limited to three months. Since  that rule only went into effect this April, extending the term to up to a year is not a radical shift from the ACA status quo.  But combined with weak enforcement of the individual mandate, and more exemptions from the mandate stemming from rising premiums, temporary plans available continuously are likely to weaken the ACA risk pool.

Temporary plans are subject to state regulation, however, and health law scholar Nicholas Bagley expects that to continue:

13/ The states should still retain authority to regulate short-term plans -- and to require them to adhere to ACA rules.

— Nicholas Bagley (@nicholas_bagley) October 12, 2017

Take two: Employers want to provide health insurance

Perhaps I buried my lede a bit yesterday in a post about the ACA's employer mandate. So let me try a carve-out.

Josh Barro, taking at face value some bitching about the requirement that employers with more than 50 full-time employees offer health insurance to their employees, recently charged that the mandate is a mistake and that health reform should have pushed health insurance away from the employer-employee relationship.

Defensible as that diagnosis may be in the abstract, voters at large were not the only constituency resistant to weakening the employer-healthcare bond.  Big businesses, and a not inconsiderable number of small businesses, values their role as health insurer, seeing that role as an important part of their bond with employees, as a competitive advantage, and increasingly, as an opportunity to make their workforce more productive  -- not to mention as font of a tax-free form of compensation.

Call them crazy, as Matt Miller did in October 2009 when the National Coalition on Benefits, an association purporting to represent the interests of employers covering 130 million Americans in the health reform process, helped to shoot down Senator Ron Wyden's Free Choice Amendment, which would have enabled all employees to opt out of their employer's health care plan and buy insurance on the insurance exchanges established by what later became the Affordable Care Act. The group's motto: Don't Erode What Works to Fix What's Broken. *

Footnote to a fact-checked false impression

The Note's Chris Good flags an anti-Obamacare ad aimed at young adults by Crossroads Generation, a younguns' auxilliary of Karl Rove's American Crossroads.  This 1-minute font of information nyaah-nyaahs that while Obamacare enables adults under 26 to remain on their parents' insurance, 

...actually, states already allowed kids to stay on their parents' insurance before Obamacare.

I want to add one key point and one minor to Good's debunk below: