Woodward is peddling a nonsense conclusion. Why?

For who knows what reason, Bob Woodward is blowing smoke on the sequester deal.

In an article published yesterday, he makes an allegation about the sequester and the grand bargain it was supposed to stimulate that is so absurd no one even noticed what he now says he meant:

In fact, the final deal reached between Vice President Biden and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) in 2011 included an agreement that there would be no tax increases in the sequester in exchange for what the president was insisting on: an agreement that the nation’s debt ceiling would be increased for 18 months, so Obama would not have to go through another such negotiation in 2012, when he was running for reelection.

So when the president asks that a substitute for the sequester include not just spending cuts but also new revenue, he is moving the goal posts. His call for a balanced approach is reasonable, and he makes a strong case that those in the top income brackets could and should pay more. But that was not the deal he made.

There is a major sleight-of-hand embedded here. Woodward is saying, first, that the sequester includes no revenue -- which is plain fact -- but also that it was therefore understood initially that the replacement for the sequester would also include no revenue.

That is palpable nonsense, as I demonstrated yesterday: before the deal was signed, Obama said that the supercommittee would be charged with striking a deal that would include revenue.  The White House elaborated the point that most parties expected the supercommittee to consider a mix of tax hikes and spending cuts from the start.

Now Woodward is back with an email to Politico's Mike Allen spelling out his initial  point, which no one noticed because it was so absurd:

Three professors of false equivalence look at the Obama-Boehner faceoff

The Times' James B. Stewart today interviews three management gurus who think that "getting to yes" in a deficit reduction deal ought to be easy. These men presumably know a good deal about corporate negotiations. But their apparent ignorance of politics -- political dynamics generally, and the battles of the last two years in particular -- is breathtaking.

The three cited experts, William Ury of Harvard, Seth Freeman of Columbia's Stern School, and Daylian Cain of Yale,  collectively assert the following: both sides are taking and have taken maximalist, uncompromising positions; neither allows the other any face-saving outs; and they are not that far apart substantively. Prof. Cain suggests that spending time together socially could make a substantive difference.   All of these assumptions are wrong.

What I don't get

I was a little shocked by the two-month sequester postponement in last night's fiscal cliff deal. That sounds to me like debt ceiling squared.  Where does Obama think he's going to get the leverage to demand that spending cuts be paired with further tax hikes?  Yesterday he was talking like a man with platinum coins in his pocket. Is there something we don't know, or is he just blowing Choon smoke?

P.S. tweets like this set me thinking/remembering a little:

@AlecMacGillis House R demands for cuts now MIGHT suggest a smidgen of awareness that debt-ceiling hijack won't fly as well the 2nd time.

Last time around, in summer 2011, perhaps even the GOP House would have backed off the brink if Obama had not embraced the debt ceiling deadline as a "unique opportunity to do something big."  Perhaps this time, simply insisting that he won't treat it as a deadline will be enough.  But I can also imagine stories leaking out as the deadline approaches that he's offered this and that in exchange for that and this...making it impossible to step back and insist, "no, I want a clean raise."

As in December 2010, trading tax cuts

The pending debt ceiling deal is shaping up as quite a Rorschach test. On the left, Michael Cohen crows that the GOP caved, while Noam Scheiber is convinced that Obama has finally and definitively destroyed his negotiating cred.  Reception on the left was shaped this morning, as the deal came gradually into focus, by an uncharacteristic freakout from Jonathan Chait. Just returned from vacation, Chait seemed to be reacting more to Obama's offer several weeks ago to start income tax hikes at the $400k level than to overnight developments (though the overnight news did move that higher threshold to the realm of the more limited deal).  Me, I wavered between "poles of hope and fear... Dec 2010 tax deal vs.crappy Jul 2011 deal Boehner did O favor of pulling out of. ' My hope:  "Perhaps cliff deal postmortem will look like 12/2010 - jaw-dropping headline concession offset by lower profile plusses."

My sense at this point is that the pending deal does look something like the 2010 agreement: a steep headline price paid to preserve core Obama priorities, with judgment yet again to be deferred until another round of deficit reduction is negotiated in 2013. On that second point, Obama laid down a key marker in his press statement this afternoon: that all subsequent spending cuts would have to be offset by tax hikes of equal value.  It's unclear how he would enforce that: his ability to do so depends both on how the sequester is handled and how he plans to make good his proclaimed refusal to negotiate under threat of a debt ceiling default. If he can make his own ground rules stick, then this is indeed a good deal.

The deal resembles the December 2010 agreement insofar as in both cases, the two sides found it easier to trade favored tax cuts than to either cut spending or raise revenue (surprise...).  In exchange for holding households earning $250k--$450k nearly harmless (though they are subject to some deduction limitations), the Democrats will have secured (if the deal goes through) 5-year extensions of Obama's tax credits for low- and middle-income Americans (expansions of the Earned Income Tax Credit, the Child Tax Credit, and the credit for college tuition), alternative energy, and business investment, along with a one year unemployment benefit extension. Thus Obama continues to forego hardball to maximize future revenue in favor of easing financial pressure on the needy and nonwealthy, stimulating the economy, and advancing his energy policy.  Long-term, I suspect he thinks that revenue can be squeezed out of the GOP in stages, but that the economy and Americans with stagnant incomes need help now.  Those who insist that our chief challenge is to stimulate the economy rather than reduce the deficit ought to be pleased.

Half a good prediction?

As the economic recovery continues to sputter in this second quarter, my thoughts have strayed from time to time to a February 2011 forecast by Goldman Sachs economist Alec Phillips. At the time, the shutdown loomed and the House GOP was demanding $61 billion in cuts to FY 2011:

Federal spending cuts deserve the most attention. They are the most likely of these issues to occur, and could have the largest magnitude. The assumption we incorporated into our recently revised budget estimates—discretionary spending cuts of $25bn and $50bn below the CBO baseline for FY2011 and FY2012 respectively—would shave nearly one percentage point off of the annualized rate of real GDP growth in Q2, but would fade quickly with a negligible effect on growth by year-end.

"The largest annual spending cut" -- compared to what?

I am getting tired of reading about "the largest annual spending cut in our history", which has now become an obligatory tagline in stories about the just-concluded and soon-to-come budget battles.  The alleged $39 billion   cut represents about 1.1% of the Federal government's 2010 outlays.  Is that really the biggest cut ever? By what measure? It must be in absolute terms only.

I realize this may be an imprecise comparison, but according to OMB historical tables the by-now-infamous spending cuts of 1937, which threw the recovering economy back into a sharp recession, took spending down from $7.58 billion in 1937 to $6.84 billion in 1938.  While I await correction by someone with more than sixth grade math skills or better historical knowledge, that looks to me like a cut of 9.8%, about nine times the magnitude of the 2012 cut just negotiated.

That, incidentally, is kind of reassuring.  The spending cut is not only about one tenth the dollar value of the new tax cuts enacted at the end of 2010, but one ninth the scale of the disastrous spending cut enacted in 1937.  The cuts will doubtless inflict needless social costs and environmental costs. But perhaps their impact on the economy (as on the deficit) will be relatively minor.

Am I comparing apples and oranges?  Economists and historians, let me know.

UPDATE: at least one summary of the budget deal's emerging details -- Politico's -- suggests that there may be less to the cuts than meets the eye (a hope I've indulged more than once):

But down to the end, the giant labor, health and education chapter of the bill best defined ground zero — and the relentless give-and-take over dollars.

Coming into this year, discretionary spending in this portion of the budget was running at about $169.4 billion, and the House voted in February to cut this to under $144 billion, a 15 percent reduction that decimated many programs. The new bill allows spending closer to $159 billion, about $15 billion higher. And even then to fill the gap, $6.2 billion in alternative savings from mandatory spending programs are available to offset new appropriations.

Within this framework, the White House locked in about $1.5 billion in increases that the president wants—like “Race to the Top.” But even after making room for these additions, the real appropriations cuts from existing programs will be about a quarter of what the House proposed...

Pell Grants for low-income college students are protected against a shortfall. Title X family planning programs will survive, albeit at 2008 levels. New money to administer health care reform will flow to the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, but through a round-about route that requires the dollars to go first to a different health administration account and then be transferred to CMS.

In the field of transportation and housing, the same pattern is repeated, though in less dramatic fashion.

Obama owns the Tea Party cuts

I find it disturbing that in his statement about tonight's 2011 budget deal,  Obama not only accepts but takes ownership of the $39 billion in discretionary spending cuts:

Some of the cuts we agreed to will be painful. Programs people rely on will be cut back. Needed infrastructure projects will be delayed. And I would not have made these cuts in better circumstances.

But beginning to live within our means is the only way to protect those investments that will help America compete for new jobs -- investments in our kids’ education and student loans; in clean energy and life-saving medical research. We protected the investments we need to win the future.

Forget Ryan -- watch Coburn and Chambliss

For those who believe that Obama has failed a s test of courage by not rolling out a detailed tax reform/deficit reduction plan early this year, a thought experiment: had he done so, would Tom Coburn have said this on the Senate floor? (link is to Greg Sargent; emphasis is his.)

Well, the message for America today is every program’s going to get hit. The Defense Department’s going to get hit, every program’s going to get hit. My taxes are going to go up. Sorry, they’re going to go up. This country cannot get out of this mess with the behavior that we’re exhibiting in this body, and if we fail to do what is necessary for our country at this critical time in our juncture, history will deem us absolutely incompetent. With that, I yield the floor.Maybe...I admit that the thought experiment yields no clear results.  But if Obama and Dems really do want a tax reform/deficit reduction deal, it's Coburn Chambliss & Crapo who are carrying the ball. Because this can't happen unless Republicans sign on to tax reform that raises revenues.  Which is almost to say that it can't happen, period.

The sine qua non for a bipartisan long-range budget deal is for Republicans to acknowledge that taxes will have to be raised, albeit as part of a deal that lowers marginal rates while drastically reducing targeted tax breaks. The bipartisan Senate Gang of Six currently negotiating the outlines of a deal is allegedly using the Bowles-Simpson plan as a baseline. While Bowles-Simpson was  criticized from the left for achieving too high a percentage of its projected deficit reduction from spending cuts (two thirds) as opposed to taxes (one third), the plan did envision raising Federal revenue by about $1 trillion over nine years.  Grover Norquist, meanwhile, is waving his bloody-sheet "no tax increases" pledge, signed by (he claims) 95% of House and 87% of Senate Republicans.

2010 tax cuts vs. 2011 budget cuts

As it looks all but certain that Republicans will extract at least a $30 billion pound of flesh from the 2011 budget, endangering the recovery and thus likely boosting their own political fortunes, I thought I would re-pose a question I asked earlier this month: Which is likely to be stronger, the stimulative effect of the tax cut deal Obama cut with the GOP at the end of last year, or the destimulative drag of reduced short-term government spending?

Who won the lame duck?

The late great lame duck session of Congress in Nov-Dec 2011 was widely perceived to have been a season of accomplishment for the Democrats and President Obama. The rush of activity included repeat of Don't Ask Don't Tell, ratification of the New Start treaty -- and, on the economic front, a tax deal that, for the blood price of extending the Bush tax cuts for the wealthiest, bought Obama hundreds of billions in more efficiently stimulative tax cuts.

It was a busy time, and one thing the Democrats failed to do was pass a budget for FY 2011. That gave the incoming GOP House the opportunity to commence its budget-cutting orgy for discretionary domestic spending a year early.  That includes a head start on the drive to defund implementation and enforcement of the health care and financial reform laws.  And in its opening gambit, the Tea Party delivered.  Its proposed $61 billion in cuts would kill 700,000 jobs by the end of 2012 according to Moody's economist  Mark Zandi,, and shave 1.5-2% off GDP growth in the 2nd and 3rd quarters of this year by Goldman Sachs' estimates.  The Goldman analyst, Alec Phillips, also forecasts that actual cuts in FY 2011 will come in at about $25 billion and, once enacted, will slow growth by 1% of GDP, but that the effect of that sudden hit will fade quickly later in the year.

Question: would the U.S. economy -- and Democrats -- have been better off without the global tax deal but with a Democratic FY 2011 budget passed during the lame duck session?  Does the short-term destimulative effect of the 2011 budget we're likely to get (leaving aside any long-term damage to economic viability) fully offset, or more than offset, the stimulative effect of the tax cut package?

Who won the lame duck?

The late great lame duck session of Congress in Nov-Dec 2011 was widely perceived to have been a season of accomplishment for the Democrats and President Obama. The rush of activity included repeat of Don't Ask Don't Tell, ratification of the New Start treaty -- and, on the economic front, a tax deal that, for the blood price of extending the Bush tax cuts for the wealthiest, bought Obama hundreds of billions in more efficiently stimulative tax cuts.

It was a busy time, and one thing the Democrats failed to do was pass a budget for FY 2011. That gave the incoming GOP House the opportunity to commence its budget-cutting orgy for discretionary domestic spending a year early.  That includes a head start on the drive to defund implementation and enforcement of the health care and financial reform laws.  And in its opening gambit, the Tea Party delivered.  Its proposed $61 billion in cuts would kill 700,000 jobs by the end of 2012 according to Moody's economist  Mark Zandi,, and shave 1.5-2% off GDP growth in the 2nd and 3rd quarters of this year by Goldman Sachs' estimates.  The Goldman analyst, Alec Phillips, also forecasts that actual cuts in FY 2011 will come in at about $25 billion and, once enacted, will slow growth by 1% of GDP, but that the effect of that sudden hit will fade quickly later in the year.

Question: would the U.S. economy -- and Democrats -- have been better off without the global tax deal but with a Democratic FY 2011 budget passed during the lame duck session?  Does the short-term destimulative effect of the 2011 budget we're likely to get (leaving aside any long-term damage to economic viability) fully offset, or more than offset, the stimulative effect of the tax cut package?