Friday, June 20, 2025

Republicans make the "abled-bodied" vulnerable

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Community engagement requirements for the "able-bodied"




Republican legislators who wrote the Medicaid provisions of their monstrous megabill are acting on a simple belief: low-income nonelderly adults who lack access to affordable employer-sponsored health insurance should not have access to affordable health coverage.

While their $900 billion* in cuts to federal spending on Medicaid over ten years will hurt all classes of Medicaid enrollees, the cuts are aimed primarily at low-income adults insured through the ACA Medicaid expansion — that is, adults under age 65 who are not recognized as disabled by the federal government (though many have varying degrees of disability**). Some cuts not aimed directly at the ACA expansion population target states that have enacted the expansion.

Provider tax cut aimed at expansion states

The major new spending cut added by the Senate Finance Committee to the House package last week is a case in point. Section 71120 would sharply reduce the revenue that Medicaid expansion states derive from “provider taxes,” a financial maneuver, allowed for decades, that all states except Alaska employ to boost Medicaid revenue and fund services. Under current law, states are allowed to hold taxed healthcare providers “harmless” if the taxes don’t exceed 6% of revenue — that is, they can boost payment to an amount equivalent to the revenue collected. Since the federal government pays its standard Medicaid share of the resulting new spending, varying from 50-77% by state, states can use the federal share to further boost spending. Most such taxes are imposed on nursing homes (46 states) and hospitals (45 states).

That financial maneuver is a classic American “kludge” — a workaround chronic Medicaid underfunding initiated by state governments and accepted by CMS. A responsible legislature looking to end such haphazard, convoluted funding mechanisms might replace the revenue from them, built into state budgets, with a more rational funding source. The House bill put a ban on new provider taxes, leaving current arrangements in place. The Senate Finance Committee takes a deep slice out of the revenue, cutting current taxes — but only for Medicaid expansion states. For those states, the “safe harbor” under which hospitals and other providers can be held harmless is cut by 0.5% per year from the current 6% until it hits a floor of 3.5% (nursing homes are exempted from the lower threshold).

As Georgetown’s Edwin Park notes (citing KFF data), at present 18 expansion states imposes taxes on hospitals above the 3.5% future safe harbor, and some of those states explicitly earmarked that revenue*** to fund the state’s share of the cost of enacting the ACA Medicaid expansion— potentially endangering maintenance of the expansion in those states if this provision is enacted. At the same time, six of the ten nonexpansion states (Alaska, Kansas, Mississippi, South Carolina, Tennessee and Texas) impose taxes on hospitals greater than 3.5% and would be exempt from this cut.

Monday, June 16, 2025

Republicans' hands-free healthcare cuts: Make enrollees self-deport from Medicaid and Obamacare

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Third and probably last in a series from me at nj.com. Gift link.
Why N.J.’s Republicans in Congress are OK with 16M Americans losing insurance

Thursday, June 05, 2025

Republicans poised to halve the ACA cake and eat it

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There’s a sad symmetry to the Congressional Budget Office’s final estimate of the coverage effects of the healthcare provisions in the monstrous megabill that passed the House with no Democratic votes on May 22.

In March 2011, CBO estimated that by 2021, the ACA would reduce the uninsured population by 34 million — 17 million via Medicaid, and 17 million via the subsidized ACA private-plan marketplace. (Below, note the net gain in the individual market: 24 million enrolled in the exchanges established by the ACA, minus 6 million in the off-exchange market and another 1 million in employer-sponsored plans.)

After waves of political upheaval, including a major boost to marketplace subsidies in 2021 (now apparently doomed to expire at year’s end), those estimates look pretty good. In Medicaid, 16.6 million enrollees as of June 2024 (the last available tally) were rendered eligible solely by the ACA expansion, and total Medicaid enrollment as of January 2025 is up by 22 million over the last pre-ACA total. As for the marketplace, enrollment as of the end of Open Enrollment 2025 was 24.3 million, with perhaps another 2 million off-exchange, compared to total individual market enrollment of 10.6 million pre-ACA, by KFF’s estimate.

Today, in a narrative breakdown of its estimates sent to ranking Democrats in the key House and Senate committees, CBO forecasts an increase of 16 million uninsured people triggered by the House bill coupled with Republican refusal to extend the ACA subsidy increases enacted in 2021 and funded only through 2025. Like the coverage gains triggered by the ACA, these coverage losses would split almost evenly between coverage losses triggered by the bill’s changes to Medicaid and its changes to rules governing the ACA marketplace. Here is the breakdown:

Changes to Medicaid are forecast to increase the uninsured population by 7.8 million, and changes to the ACA marketplace, by 8.2 million.